I contribute for the Guardian occasionally in the Comment is Free: Belief section and you here is a link to those scribblings:
Brecht Benjamin Bloch and Birkbeck
November 10, 2009I have done a couple of things recently at Birkbeck (which my spell checker identified as Brickbat!) on Bloch and on Erdmut Wizisla’s book on Brecht and Benjamin. These are now up as podcasts and I thought this should encourage me to reinvigorate this Blog, which I have sorely neglected. I hope I get the time to put more postings up here as well.
Anyway, the sites are here:
and here
I have also responded to one of my own responses to one of the questions asked about transcendence and the transcendental in Benjamin, Brecht and Bloch with the following:
Just to answer again the question about the difficulty of raising the difference between transcendence and the transcendental in Bloch and Kant I found the following today in a response by Zizek to Badiou. IN it he referes back, as he often does to Stephen King and the idea of the undead. He states: ‘ my idea is that this undead is the Kantian transcendental subject. It is non-human precisely in this sense; non-human not in the sense of the animalistic, but rather as the excessive dimension of the human itself. Seen in this way, there is something unique in that which Kant names the dimension of the transcendental’ (Badiou and Zizek Pjhilosphy in the Present, Polity 2009, pp. 78-79). Though it is kind of turned upside down, I think this is an interesting complement to what I was saying about Benjamin and Bloch in that the idea of an undead of the transcendental can also be seen as the not yet of the transcendental. It is something which emerges from but which is in excess to the human, is non-human and yet is a product of the human and, in many ways, can be seen as the future of the human. If we put a positive spin on this idea then the undead could also be termed the not-yet living. Rather than a descent of man into death via a transitional and transformative dimension we could actually see it as a stage in the process of human becoming, in the ascent of the human into the non-human, into that state of human becoming which promises to go beyond what is now understood as human. And yet that transcendence is not something out there, beyond the human but immanent, contained within the human as latent transcendence.
The creation of religion?
March 27, 2008The creation of religion?
fascinating. so there never has been, and never will be, a set of values that are non-religious in their creation? really?
Inverted Stagism
March 11, 2008Trying to sort out views I realised the other day that I have always been a liberal but just thought that in order to achieve it, it was first necessary to go through the stage of Communism. I guess I have now come to see that this was probably wrong, though that may also be a very complacent and contemporary euro-centric view of things. Things were different in 1917 after all. The cataclysm of the First World War and the collapse of liberalism at the first hurdle made Communism look like an inevitablity to many. The hangover lasted the whole of the 20th century.
Glaxo Smith Klein and the Law
March 9, 2008Marx and Engels stated in the Communist Manifesto that all law is class law, and bourgeois law holds itself to be “natural law” only because the bourgeoisie is the ruling class and capitalism is therefore seen as the natural order of things. This has come about not because of some God-given order as under hierarcical and Catholic feudalism (you can see hangovers of this in the second verse of All Things Bright and Beautiful which is now only sung in the better and more established private schools: The rich man in his castle/the poor man at his gate/God made them high and lowly/And ordered their estate). Bourgeois society emered out of the triumph of reason and the enlightenment and therefore represents the democratisation of hierarchy. Anyone can become the president of the United States (as GWB has proved). And yet, and yet, of course Marx and Engels don’t leave it there (maybe they should have) and they said that the new ruling class which has emerged to impose its will upon the generality will do so now not through force, coercion, droit de signeur etc. but through the rule of law. These laws, however, will be drawn up by the rulers and will serve the rulers and is therefore no less class law than was the feudal sytem. The state is therefore not something neutral, a referee adjudicating objectively in disputes between free and equal individuals as the doctrine of the Separation of Powers would have us think, but a coat-holder for the bourgeoisie Of course, when the Communist Manifesto was drawn up in 1848 the bourgeoisie was well on its way to taking over power (at least economic power) in the whole of Europe and the condition of the workers and mass of the population in the great cities (Engels Condition of the Working Class in England shows this quite clearly) was one indeed of absolute misery, disenfranchisement, exploitation and exclusion from power. The need for a permanent revolution which would not just allow the bourgeoisie to reap the benefits of human labour was clear and it was also clear that the class which would carry put this task was the very one which industrialisation had created; namely the proletarat. Many years have passed since then and in many ways bourgeois law has been hoist by its own petard. Its theoretical guarantee of freedom of organisation, movement, equality before the law etc. facilitated the growth of representational powers so that eventually, by the 1930s (apart from in a few places such as parts Switzerland and Liechtenstein) the deveolped world had reached a stage where Trades Unions could represent their workers, women could vote and take part fully in society (even though there are still real structural problems with them taking a full part in economic life) and people in general had more control over justice and the allocation of resources. In this sense the period of the existence of the Soviet Union (1917-1990 – though the collapse actually already occurred in 1974 but the cadaver was kept alive by pumping more money into its veins) could be seen as the high-water mark of the fulfilment of the putative freedoms guaranteed by bourgeois legalism. This is because during this period, the existence of a social alternative (no matter how inadequate) which demonstrated that the workers could take power (no matter that it was exercised for them by a degenerate and self-serving bureaucracy) forced the democratic countries to replace the untrammelled primacy of the market and economics with th primacy of political stabilisation and the smoothing out of class antagonisms. This means that all the benefits of western democracy which we rightly take for granted are acually pre-illuminations (Vorscheine) of socialist democracy out of their time (Ungleichzeitigkeit – ah I knew you’d be expecting Bloch to come in here somewhere). Alexander Kojeve actually maintained that because of this we were actually already living in socialism without noticing it, and certainly the mantra of the early 1970s was one of convergence between Eastern and Western Europe into some sort of socialist system. BUT, this is now changing back. The primacy of economics and the market is now once more on the march. The workers have been atomised, defeated, scattered and filled full of the pleasures of life (at least in the western world). The great corporations are once more setting the tone and politics and the political arena has become a show place for empty posturing about infantile issues. Just now and again this becomes clear. The ruling that Glaxo Smith Klein will not be prosecuted even though it admits that it withheld evidence of the increased risk of suicide amongst teenagers prescribed Seroxat shows that the state is well on the way back to becoming simply the adminstrative arm of the bourgeoisie once more. That’s why we hate politics and why voter turn-out has never been lower. If you care about liberal democracy and parliamentarism then it is necessary to defend the primacy of politics over the hegemony of the market. Marx won’t go away because the issues which he raised are still salient. I can’t get him out of my head – no matter how much I may want to kill off that paternal voice – because my head is rooted in the these realities of class rule. As Rorty says, the prophecies in the Communit Manifesto are almost all wrong, but the socio-economic analysis and the hope for true justice which emanates from them is almost entirely correct. Defence of the achievements of western democratic socialism under the guise of bourgeois democracy has become a Transitional Demand, comrades! We just won’t know where it will take us until we get there.
Heidegger, Rorty, Bloch, Marx and Pragmatism
March 9, 2008Heidegger, Rorty, Bloch, Marx and Pragmatism
In an essay from 1999 by Rorty ‘On Heidegger’s Nazism’ (also in Philosophy of Hope, op cit. pp. 190-197) he, Rorty, says that he wishes to keep Heidegger’s critique and history of metaphysics whilst rejecting its “downbeat ending”(p.191). (incidentally, ”Philosophy of Social Hope” Rorty criticises Derrida for being selective about what he takes from Marx in his 1995 work “Spectres of Marx”, which seems a bit odd, given that he himself in the same book present the Communist Manifesto as one of the two most important texts in human history (the other being the New Testament) but only if one takes the message of hope selectively from it and rejects the prophecies. The alternative Heidegger he creates in his counterfactual history of Heidegger’s reaction to the Nazis and his subsequent life is pretty close to a description of Bloch, in that Bloch, throughout his life and his writing remained an anti-essentialist and an anti-dualist, but he also remained a non-dualist dialectician, true to the Hegelian principle of the world as something unfolding but opposed to the idea that there was some teleological endpoint, some Nirvana, or some abyss to which it was all heading. Optimism and Hope remained his driving ideas and the accretion of human hope became the precondition for human liberation. And that is not so very far from Rorty’s social pragmatism of hope.
Hello world!
March 8, 2008This is the official Blog for the Centre for Ernst Bloch Studies based at the University of Sheffield and maintained by Peter Thompson. I shall be posting various issues and points on here for discussion as well as providing a forum for discussion of matters relating to Bloch and the wider world of Philosophy.
Fragen und Beitraege koennen sowohl auf Deutsch als auf Englisch gestellt oder gesendet werden und ich freue mich auf eine rege Dikussion auf diesen Seiten!
Peter Thompson
Posted by peterthompson
Posted by peterthompson
Posted by peterthompson